Zwei weitere Beiträge von ANTARSYA-Aktivisten

Nach dema neu­lich bereits vom Lower Class Maga­zine ver­öf­fent­lich­ten Inter­view mit Eirini Ilio­pou­lou (vgl. die hie­si­gen Aus­züge) ist nun in Left Voice auf Eng­lisch ein von Ale­jan­dra Ríos geführ­tes Inter­view mit Kostas Skordou­lis erschie­nen. Er ist füh­ren­des Mit­glied von OKDE-​​Spartacus (griech. Sek­tion der IV. Inter­na­tio­nale), einer der Mit­glieds­or­ga­ni­sa­tio­nen von ANT­AR­SYA. Es fol­gen unten einige Aus­züge aus dem Inter­view mit deut­schen Zwi­schen­über­schrif­ten.

Die Frei­heits­liebe über­setzte ihrer­seits einen Text von Panos Gar­ga­nas, der sei­ner­seits bei der grie­chi­schen Sozia­lis­ti­schen Arbei­ter­par­tei (einer wei­te­ren Mit­glieds­or­ga­ni­sa­tion von ANT­AR­SYA) aktiv ist. Die grie­chi­sche Sozia­lis­ti­sche Arbei­ter­par­tei ist die Schwes­ter­or­ga­ni­sa­tion der bri­ti­schen SWP. In Deutsch­land kommt Marx 21 aus der glei­chen Tra­di­tion, macht aber bekannt­lich Linkspartei-​​Entrismus. Das unge­fähre Äqui­va­lent dazu in Grie­chen­land ist die DEA, die bis­her bei SYRIZA und nun bei der „Volks­ein­heit“ mit­macht. Der Text von Panos Gar­ga­nas war aller­dings schon bei sei­ner Ver­öf­fent­li­chung auf Deutsch mehr oder min­der über­holt, der er noch vor Tsi­pras‘ Neu­wahl­an­kün­di­gung geschrie­ben wor­den war.

In Bezug auf die Linke Platt­form hoffte (? – for­derte?) er noch: „Auf wel­cher Grund­lage wür­den sie sich abspal­ten wol­len? Die meis­ten stel­len sich gegen den Euro, aber sie müs­sen sich auch ent­schei­den, ob das zum Bei­spiel auch bedeu­tet mit der Euro­päi­schen Union zu bre­chen. Wir, in der Sozia­lis­ten Arbei­ter­par­tei Grie­chen­lands SEK, sind dafür, dass sie Syriza ver­las­sen und der Logik der anti­ka­pi­ta­lis­ti­schen Lin­ken von Ant­ar­sya fol­gen.“ – Letz­te­res wird – wie die inzwi­schen erfolgte Grün­dung der „Volks­ein­heit“ zeigt – nicht pas­sie­ren, was wenig über­ra­schend ist (und zwar sicher­lich nicht in ers­ter Linie wegen der EU-​​Frage, son­dern wegen des bei der „Volks­ein­heit“ feh­len­den Anti­ka­pi­ta­lis­mus und der bei ihr eben­falls feh­len­den Ori­en­tie­rung auf einen Umsturz).

Da sich die meiste Griechenland-​​Berichterstattung auf wahl­po­li­ti­sche Manö­ver bezieht, sei auch noch fol­gen­der Hin­weis zitiert – auch wenn er in sei­ner Kürze kei­nen beson­ders genauen Auf­schluß gibt:

Nor­ma­ler­weise ist der August ein Monat, in dem nichts in Grie­chen­land pas­siert. In die­sem Jahr haben Arbei­ter aus Pro­test gegen die Pri­va­ti­sie­rung die Arbeit an Bahn­schie­nen nie­der­ge­legt. Auch einen Streik gegen die Mas­sen­ent­las­sun­gen bei einem pri­va­ten Fern­seh­sen­der gab es, der, so scheint es, einen Teil­er­folg errun­gen hat.

Und für kom­men­den Sams­tag kün­digt Gar­ga­nas an:

Die erste grö­ßere Demons­tra­tion wird am ers­ten Sams­tag im Sep­tem­ber statt­fin­den, wenn der Minis­ter­prä­si­dent tra­di­tio­nell die Messe in Thes­sa­lo­niki eröff­net, und die Gewerk­schaf­ten zu einem Pro­test auf­ru­fen wer­den. Die­ses Jahr wird Tsi­pras sich den Demons­tra­tio­nen gegen­über­se­hen und sie wer­den ange­führt von der Lin­ken, die sich den soge­nann­ten Ret­tungs­pa­ke­ten ent­ge­gen­stellt.

Nun aber die Aus­züge aus dem Inter­view mit Kostas Skordou­lis:

VOLKS­EIN­HEIT -

AUF DEM WEG, NICHT MEHR ZU SEIN, ALS EINE „GUTE“ SYRIZA!

What is Popu­lar Unity’s pro­gramme?

The aspi­ra­ti­ons of the PU is to become the ‚good‘ SYRIZA of 2012 by defen­ding the ‚Thes­sa­lo­niki Pro­gram‘ with the sole addi­tion of a rather cri­ti­cal stance towards the ‚euro‘. PU defi­nes its­elf as an anti-​​memoranda, anti-​​austerity and con­di­tio­nally an anti-​​eurozone poli­ti­cal party.
PU has been descri­bed by its lea­dership as a broad poli­ti­cal party exten­ding from the left soci­al­de­mo­cracy to the far left. Kostas Isi­hos, one of PU’s pro­mi­nent mem­bers and an ex-​​minister in the SYRIZA govern­ment inter­viewed by Rus­sian media, sta­ted that the PU will defend the ‚ori­gi­nal‘ SYRIZA pro­gram.
There are dis­cus­sions among PU mem­bers whe­ther the new party will be SYRIZA No2, a ‚good‘ SYRIZA or it will embark for some­thing new with a new pro­gram.
For purely elec­to­ral rea­sons the option of ‚good‘ SYRIZA is gai­ning ground.

Der Vor­schlag von OKDE-​​Spartacus:

EIN­HEITS­FRONT STATT REFORMISTISCH-​​REVOLUTIONÄRE MISCH-​​ORGANISATION

In a series of docu­ments we have genui­nely justi­fied our dis­agree­ment with the ‚Broad Party Stra­tegy‘ and the rea­sons why we oppo­sed the SYRIZA pro­ject based on a revo­lu­tio­nary Mar­xist ana­ly­sis and the best tra­di­ti­ons of the Fourth Inter­na­tio­nal. Our ana­ly­sis has been tra­gi­cally veri­fied. It took a 3rd memo­ran­dum impo­sed upon the Greek working people so that the class nature of left refor­mism is expo­sed. Today, the PU wants to repeat the same fai­led expe­ri­ment. They want to re-​​establish the good SYRIZA of 2012 with the same pro­gram. We did not relate to SYRIZA then, we are not going to relate to PU now. […]. We favour the ‚United Front‘ which is for­med around spe­ci­fic issues and does not require a pro­gram­ma­tic agree­ment among the orga­niza­ti­ons invol­ved. On this basis, I think we should be open to coope­rate with other left orga­niza­ti­ons inclu­ding the PU in anti­fa­scist, anti­ra­cist work and on other cru­cial issues as prio­ri­ti­zed by the social move­ments and their inter­ven­tion and ours con­verge.

EIN KURS­WECH­SEL VON DER „FRONT“ ZUR PAR­TEI?

A couple of weeks ago, there was a decla­ra­tion signed by well known mili­tants (inclu­ding Lafa­za­nis, lea­der of SYRIZA’s Left Plat­form) rep­re­sen­ting 13 orga­niza­ti­ons of the Greek Left (among them two Trotsky­ist orga­niza­ti­ons: DEA/​the sis­ter orga­niza­tion of the Ame­ri­can ISO in Greece and ‚Xekinima‘/the Greek sec­tion of the CWI plus two of the com­po­nent orga­niza­ti­ons of Ant­ar­sya: ARAN and ARAS) cal­ling for the for­ma­tion of a broad poli­ti­cal front which will give voice to the OXI vote.
Then the Left Plat­form chan­ged course and announ­ced the for­ma­tion of ‚Popu­lar Unity‘. On Mon­day 24th August, PU sub­mit­ted an app­li­ca­tion to the Greek Supreme Court to be reco­gnized as a for­mal poli­ti­cal Party.

WAS PAS­SIERT NUN MIT ANT­AR­SYA?

What are the dif­fe­rent poli­ti­cal pro­jects wit­hin Ant­ar­sya?

For the past 3 years in ANT­AR­SYA, two dif­fe­rent poli­ti­cal pro­jects coexist in crea­tive ten­sion: one that sees ANT­AR­SYA as a tran­si­tio­nal poli­ti­cal for­ma­tion towards a broad radi­cal anti-​​EU left front mainly rep­re­sen­ted by ARAN and ARAS and ano­ther one that sees ANT­AR­SYA as an exis­ting anti­ca­pi­ta­list front that has to be fur­ther implan­ted in the work­pla­ces and in the social move­ments with the pro­s­pect of being trans­for­med into a genuine mass revo­lu­tio­nary working class party in the future. This second pro­ject is sup­por­ted by OKDE-​​Spartakos and the SEK [*] to vary­ing degrees. And I am say­ing in vary­ing degrees because SEK is alre­ady a party and the­re­fore sees ANT­AR­SYA as an anti­ca­pi­ta­list front in which the revo­lu­tio­nary party ope­ra­tes.
The inte­res­ting case is that NAR, which is by far the big­gest com­po­nent orga­niza­tion of ANT­AR­SYA, is con­stantly oscil­la­ting bet­ween these two pro­jects, its final posi­tion being deter­mined by its inter­nal balance of views. During the last year, the NAR1 majo­rity inclined towards pro­ject 1 and so ANTARSYA-​​MARS was for­med.

Today, Antarsya’s pro­ject 1 rela­tes very favou­r­a­bly to the for­ma­tion of the PU and seeks some kind of elec­to­ral alli­ance with it or even a fusion on the basis of the com­mon decla­ra­tion signed by the rep­re­sen­ta­ti­ves of the 13 left orga­niza­ti­ons. Pro­ject 2 keeps a dis­tance alt­hough SEK par­ti­ci­pa­tes in the dis­cus­sions with PU and OKDE-​​Spartakos does not.
Last week there was a mee­ting bet­ween Ant­ar­sya and Popu­lar Unity. It is not yet clear to many in Ant­ar­sya if the mee­ting was wit­hin the frame­work of Antarsya’s open call to other left orga­niza­ti­ons issued 10 days ago or it was a con­ti­nua­tion of the dis­cus­sions that star­ted bet­ween some sec­tors of Ant­ar­sya and Lafa­za­nis. After the mee­ting, a joi­ned com­mu­ni­qué was issued that says vir­tually not­hing apart from the alre­ady known: that the atmo­s­phere was fri­endly but there were pro­gram­ma­tic dif­fe­ren­ces mainly con­cerning the policy towards the Euro­zone.
Whe­ther Ant­ar­sya is going to form an elec­to­ral front with the PU, OR some com­po­nent orga­niza­ti­ons of Ant­ar­sya (namely ARAN, ARAS and their satel­li­tes in MARS) are going to merge with the PU, OR Ant­ar­sya or part of it will remain auto­no­mous is going to be deter­mined by the out­come of the balance of forces inside Ant­ar­sya and mainly by what the NAR majo­rity will decide. This will be moni­to­red in a series of mee­tings of the Ant­ar­sya Natio­nal Coun­cil and of the Local Com­mit­tees that will be held next wee­kend.

STEHT SYRIZA VOR DEM KOL­LAPS?

I would like to add that SYRIZA is fac­ing a tsu­nami of depar­tures. Regio­nal Party Com­mit­tees and indi­vi­dual mem­bers (and recently the Secretary of the Party) announce their resi­gna­tion from the party every day but wit­hout joi­ning ‚Popu­lar Unity‘, the party foun­ded by the Left Plat­form. If this rate of depar­tures con­ti­nues in the next weeks, then SYRIZA party struc­tures are in the verge of col­lap­sing.

It has to do with the class nature of SYRIZA as a party and the illu­si­ons for a ‚left govern­ment‘. Refor­mists believe that the state is a neu­tral appa­ra­tus and it is suf­fi­ci­ent to put some lef­tists in key posi­ti­ons and then they can use the state to imple­ment their policy. A “left govern­ment” is not­hing more than a group of left­wing poli­ti­ci­ans try­ing to admi­nis­ter the bour­geois state. This schema has never worked, or to be more pre­cise, has never worked in favour of the working class. The SYRIZA govern­ment was not an excep­tion. The schema of ‚left govern­ment‘ was doo­med to failure right from its initial con­cep­tion.
My last point con­cerns all those in the inter­na­tio­nal left who sup­por­ted SYRIZA and the idea of ‚left govern­ment‘. It’s time for them to draw a balance sheet of this expe­ri­ence and point to the under­pin­nings of their ana­ly­sis.

With the depar­ture of the Left Plat­form SYRIZA has lost its last left alibi and it now emer­ges as the main poli­ti­cal for­ma­tion capable of imple­men­ting aus­te­rity poli­tics. […] In fact, it is the end of SYRIZA as we used to know it ie. as a left refor­mist party.

  1. Vgl.: https://​en​.wiki​pe​dia​.org/​w​i​k​i​/​N​e​w​_​L​e​f​t​_​C​u​rrent [zurück]
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2 Antworten auf „Zwei weitere Beiträge von ANTARSYA-Aktivisten“


  1. 1 TaP 29. August 2015 um 8:54 Uhr

    Und zur Frage eines möglichen ‚Kollapierens‘ von SYRIZRA – Stathis Kouvelakis postete gestern Abend:

    The majority of Syriza’s Central Committe members, elected in the founding Congress of 2013, have now resigned from the leading body of the party. The vast majority of them has left the party altogether. And the biggest chunk has joined or supports Popular Unity.

    Ich merkte dazu an:

    FALLS

    ++ alle (!) ZK-Mitglieder beim Kongreß 2013 gewählt wurden (und es nicht irgendwelche qua Amt-Mitgliedschaften gibt oder spätere Ergänzungswahlen gab)

    wären dies also mindestens 101 von 201 Mitgliedern,

    davon anscheinend:

    ++ die 53, die vorgestern zurücktraten,

    ++ die 17 (von der griech. MLPD-Schwester), die schon nach der letzten ZK-Sitzung zurücktraten,

    ++ und mindestens 31 weitere.

    Vgl. zu den vorhergehenden Rücktritten:

    http://theoriealspraxis.blogsport.de/2015/07/31/die-linke-mehrheit-im-syriza-zentralkomitee-ist-weg-parteitag-erst-sept/#comment-24200.

    Ebenfalls zurückgetreten, aber ohne sich der Volkseinheit anzuschließen, ist der bisherige Generalsekretär von SYRIZA, Tassos Koronakis:

    Recently I expressed my disagreement with the leadership both for the line we are taking and the devaluation of party democracy.

    I fought in every way in my role for the unity of the party, believing not in any one section alone, but in the part that for many members of SYRIZA was the core of our political project, the changing of society.

    Unfortunately, in recent days we have experienced the polarization of certainties at a time when new strategic questions called on us to respond – resulting in a serious split that brings frustration and demobilisation as well as the resurgence of strife.

    After an unprecedented battle, with all of its problems, but with the new experience of seven months of government, what we needed was a serious evaluation process – self-criticism and the elaboration of a strategic redefinition.

    From the first moment, I tried to convince the party that the only way to discuss the new situation after the unprecedented and absolutely real blackmail, and the defeat of our negotiating tactics and underlying assumptions of our project, was to appeal to the members of the party. We needed serious discussion in our interior and in society, as well as with all the forces in Europe that stood in solidarity with our struggle.

    I believed and continue to believe that with serious debate, one that criticised the shortcomings of the previous period, borne by all of the leadership and me even moreso, we could have prepared a new serious and radical plan of disengagement from the memoranda and extortion, a new project for changing the associations at European level through a broad alliance against austerity and internal devaluation and in defence of democracy. A democratic reconstruction plan and social organization that leverages knowledge and skills to involve society more in the battle, to claim a different form of governance and a new role of the party. This was the only way to overcome the crisis and reconstruct the party.

    The decision to call elections without any substantial internal party process ignored the recent decision of the Central Committee. It showed the continuing devaluation of party democracy and denied the opportunity for elementary discussion in our organisations. The acceleration of the elections in conjunction with the content of the recent Prime Ministerial address give the impression of accepting the Memorandum and the removal of popular sovereignty not as a result of a brutal blackmail which may be overturned, but as a new direction which we are forced to go along. Without a collective democratic process that would prioritise a radical disengagement plan and keep united the vast majority of the party, we risk the earlier defeat of our negotiating tactics transforming into a strategic defeat for the Left.

    Beyond the responsibility of the leadership, a major responsibility for the negative developments is borne by the forces of the Left Platform that went into this as a conflict they had long prepared for, often with mistaken analysis of the players and ultimately finalising the split. The inexpensive rhetoric and the promotion of currency as a different political project neither persuaded nor inspired, and certainly will not be enough to answer the questions reality will put in the coming months.

    Unfortunately, I have reached the painful point where I can not continue in my role as secretary of the CC, fully assuming my responsibilities for the course so far.

    With boundless love and companionship for honoring me I am forced to resign from the post of secretary of what remains of SYRIZA, the party that, with much trouble and anguish we built, to give voice to those who had been expecting collective procedures to be able democratically redefine our path.

    My last political act as secretary, is to appeal to everyone to defend Left ethics of collectivity and companionship, and to reject cannibalism and foolishness. With solidarity we must continue to be active in the struggle for justice, democracy and dignity.

    https://www.facebook.com/Ireland4Greece/photos/a.443401122474603.1073741828.443384375809611/532274090253972/ (24.08.2015)

    Dort gibt es auf Deutsch ein bereits am 8.8. geführtes Interview mit ihm:

    http://www.zeitschrift-luxemburg.de/wir-haben-es-bis-hierhin-geschafft-weil-die-einigkeit-im-kern-unseres-planes-stand/. – Auszug:

    Beziehungen und Arbeitsteilung zwischen Regierung, Fraktion und Partei wurden nicht strategisch gestaltet. Es hat nicht funktioniert.

  2. 2 Jan 29. August 2015 um 12:52 Uhr

    Danke für die Zusammenstellung – wirklich sehr interessant!

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