Theorie als Praxis

Nach dema neu­lich bereits vom Lower Class Maga­zine ver­öf­fent­lich­ten Inter­view mit Eirini Ilio­pou­lou (vgl. die hie­si­gen Aus­züge) ist nun in Left Voice auf Eng­lisch ein von Ale­jan­dra Ríos geführ­tes Inter­view mit Kostas Skordou­lis erschie­nen. Er ist füh­ren­des Mit­glied von OKDE-​​Spartacus (griech. Sek­tion der IV. Inter­na­tio­nale), einer der Mit­glieds­or­ga­ni­sa­tio­nen von ANT­AR­SYA. Es fol­gen unten einige Aus­züge aus dem Inter­view mit deut­schen Zwi­schen­über­schrif­ten.

Die Frei­heits­liebe über­setzte ihrer­seits einen Text von Panos Gar­ga­nas, der sei­ner­seits bei der grie­chi­schen Sozia­lis­ti­schen Arbei­ter­par­tei (einer wei­te­ren Mit­glieds­or­ga­ni­sa­tion von ANT­AR­SYA) aktiv ist. Die grie­chi­sche Sozia­lis­ti­sche Arbei­ter­par­tei ist die Schwes­ter­or­ga­ni­sa­tion der bri­ti­schen SWP. In Deutsch­land kommt Marx 21 aus der glei­chen Tra­di­tion, macht aber bekannt­lich Linkspartei-​​Entrismus. Das unge­fähre Äqui­va­lent dazu in Grie­chen­land ist die DEA, die bis­her bei SYRIZA und nun bei der „Volks­ein­heit“ mit­macht. Der Text von Panos Gar­ga­nas war aller­dings schon bei sei­ner Ver­öf­fent­li­chung auf Deutsch mehr oder min­der über­holt, der er noch vor Tsi­pras‘ Neu­wahl­an­kün­di­gung geschrie­ben wor­den war.

In Bezug auf die Linke Platt­form hoffte (? – for­derte?) er noch: „Auf wel­cher Grund­lage wür­den sie sich abspal­ten wol­len? Die meis­ten stel­len sich gegen den Euro, aber sie müs­sen sich auch ent­schei­den, ob das zum Bei­spiel auch bedeu­tet mit der Euro­päi­schen Union zu bre­chen. Wir, in der Sozia­lis­ten Arbei­ter­par­tei Grie­chen­lands SEK, sind dafür, dass sie Syriza ver­las­sen und der Logik der anti­ka­pi­ta­lis­ti­schen Lin­ken von Ant­ar­sya fol­gen.“ – Letz­te­res wird – wie die inzwi­schen erfolgte Grün­dung der „Volks­ein­heit“ zeigt – nicht pas­sie­ren, was wenig über­ra­schend ist (und zwar sicher­lich nicht in ers­ter Linie wegen der EU-​​Frage, son­dern wegen des bei der „Volks­ein­heit“ feh­len­den Anti­ka­pi­ta­lis­mus und der bei ihr eben­falls feh­len­den Ori­en­tie­rung auf einen Umsturz).

Da sich die meiste Griechenland-​​Berichterstattung auf wahl­po­li­ti­sche Manö­ver bezieht, sei auch noch fol­gen­der Hin­weis zitiert – auch wenn er in sei­ner Kürze kei­nen beson­ders genauen Auf­schluß gibt:

Nor­ma­ler­weise ist der August ein Monat, in dem nichts in Grie­chen­land pas­siert. In die­sem Jahr haben Arbei­ter aus Pro­test gegen die Pri­va­ti­sie­rung die Arbeit an Bahn­schie­nen nie­der­ge­legt. Auch einen Streik gegen die Mas­sen­ent­las­sun­gen bei einem pri­va­ten Fern­seh­sen­der gab es, der, so scheint es, einen Teil­er­folg errun­gen hat.

Und für kom­men­den Sams­tag kün­digt Gar­ga­nas an:

Die erste grö­ßere Demons­tra­tion wird am ers­ten Sams­tag im Sep­tem­ber statt­fin­den, wenn der Minis­ter­prä­si­dent tra­di­tio­nell die Messe in Thes­sa­lo­niki eröff­net, und die Gewerk­schaf­ten zu einem Pro­test auf­ru­fen wer­den. Die­ses Jahr wird Tsi­pras sich den Demons­tra­tio­nen gegen­über­se­hen und sie wer­den ange­führt von der Lin­ken, die sich den soge­nann­ten Ret­tungs­pa­ke­ten ent­ge­gen­stellt.

Nun aber die Aus­züge aus dem Inter­view mit Kostas Skordou­lis:

VOLKS­EIN­HEIT -

AUF DEM WEG, NICHT MEHR ZU SEIN, ALS EINE „GUTE“ SYRIZA!

What is Popu­lar Unity’s pro­gramme?

The aspi­ra­ti­ons of the PU is to become the ‚good‘ SYRIZA of 2012 by defen­ding the ‚Thes­sa­lo­niki Pro­gram‘ with the sole addi­tion of a rather cri­ti­cal stance towards the ‚euro‘. PU defi­nes its­elf as an anti-​​memoranda, anti-​​austerity and con­di­tio­nally an anti-​​eurozone poli­ti­cal party.
PU has been descri­bed by its lea­dership as a broad poli­ti­cal party exten­ding from the left soci­al­de­mo­cracy to the far left. Kostas Isi­hos, one of PU’s pro­mi­nent mem­bers and an ex-​​minister in the SYRIZA govern­ment inter­viewed by Rus­sian media, sta­ted that the PU will defend the ‚ori­gi­nal‘ SYRIZA pro­gram.
There are dis­cus­sions among PU mem­bers whe­ther the new party will be SYRIZA No2, a ‚good‘ SYRIZA or it will embark for some­thing new with a new pro­gram.
For purely elec­to­ral rea­sons the option of ‚good‘ SYRIZA is gai­ning ground.

Der Vor­schlag von OKDE-​​Spartacus:

EIN­HEITS­FRONT STATT REFORMISTISCH-​​REVOLUTIONÄRE MISCH-​​ORGANISATION

In a series of docu­ments we have genui­nely justi­fied our dis­agree­ment with the ‚Broad Party Stra­tegy‘ and the rea­sons why we oppo­sed the SYRIZA pro­ject based on a revo­lu­tio­nary Mar­xist ana­ly­sis and the best tra­di­ti­ons of the Fourth Inter­na­tio­nal. Our ana­ly­sis has been tra­gi­cally veri­fied. It took a 3rd memo­ran­dum impo­sed upon the Greek working people so that the class nature of left refor­mism is expo­sed. Today, the PU wants to repeat the same fai­led expe­ri­ment. They want to re-​​establish the good SYRIZA of 2012 with the same pro­gram. We did not relate to SYRIZA then, we are not going to relate to PU now. […]. We favour the ‚United Front‘ which is for­med around spe­ci­fic issues and does not require a pro­gram­ma­tic agree­ment among the orga­niza­ti­ons invol­ved. On this basis, I think we should be open to coope­rate with other left orga­niza­ti­ons inclu­ding the PU in anti­fa­scist, anti­ra­cist work and on other cru­cial issues as prio­ri­ti­zed by the social move­ments and their inter­ven­tion and ours con­verge.

EIN KURS­WECH­SEL VON DER „FRONT“ ZUR PAR­TEI?

A couple of weeks ago, there was a decla­ra­tion signed by well known mili­tants (inclu­ding Lafa­za­nis, lea­der of SYRIZA’s Left Plat­form) rep­re­sen­ting 13 orga­niza­ti­ons of the Greek Left (among them two Trotsky­ist orga­niza­ti­ons: DEA/​the sis­ter orga­niza­tion of the Ame­ri­can ISO in Greece and ‚Xekinima‘/the Greek sec­tion of the CWI plus two of the com­po­nent orga­niza­ti­ons of Ant­ar­sya: ARAN and ARAS) cal­ling for the for­ma­tion of a broad poli­ti­cal front which will give voice to the OXI vote.
Then the Left Plat­form chan­ged course and announ­ced the for­ma­tion of ‚Popu­lar Unity‘. On Mon­day 24th August, PU sub­mit­ted an app­li­ca­tion to the Greek Supreme Court to be reco­gnized as a for­mal poli­ti­cal Party.

WAS PAS­SIERT NUN MIT ANT­AR­SYA?

What are the dif­fe­rent poli­ti­cal pro­jects wit­hin Ant­ar­sya?

For the past 3 years in ANT­AR­SYA, two dif­fe­rent poli­ti­cal pro­jects coexist in crea­tive ten­sion: one that sees ANT­AR­SYA as a tran­si­tio­nal poli­ti­cal for­ma­tion towards a broad radi­cal anti-​​EU left front mainly rep­re­sen­ted by ARAN and ARAS and ano­ther one that sees ANT­AR­SYA as an exis­ting anti­ca­pi­ta­list front that has to be fur­ther implan­ted in the work­pla­ces and in the social move­ments with the pro­s­pect of being trans­for­med into a genuine mass revo­lu­tio­nary working class party in the future. This second pro­ject is sup­por­ted by OKDE-​​Spartakos and the SEK [*] to vary­ing degrees. And I am say­ing in vary­ing degrees because SEK is alre­ady a party and the­re­fore sees ANT­AR­SYA as an anti­ca­pi­ta­list front in which the revo­lu­tio­nary party ope­ra­tes.
The inte­res­ting case is that NAR, which is by far the big­gest com­po­nent orga­niza­tion of ANT­AR­SYA, is con­stantly oscil­la­ting bet­ween these two pro­jects, its final posi­tion being deter­mined by its inter­nal balance of views. During the last year, the NAR¹ majo­rity inclined towards pro­ject 1 and so ANTARSYA-​​MARS was for­med.

Today, Antarsya’s pro­ject 1 rela­tes very favou­r­a­bly to the for­ma­tion of the PU and seeks some kind of elec­to­ral alli­ance with it or even a fusion on the basis of the com­mon decla­ra­tion signed by the rep­re­sen­ta­ti­ves of the 13 left orga­niza­ti­ons. Pro­ject 2 keeps a dis­tance alt­hough SEK par­ti­ci­pa­tes in the dis­cus­sions with PU and OKDE-​​Spartakos does not.
Last week there was a mee­ting bet­ween Ant­ar­sya and Popu­lar Unity. It is not yet clear to many in Ant­ar­sya if the mee­ting was wit­hin the frame­work of Antarsya’s open call to other left orga­niza­ti­ons issued 10 days ago or it was a con­ti­nua­tion of the dis­cus­sions that star­ted bet­ween some sec­tors of Ant­ar­sya and Lafa­za­nis. After the mee­ting, a joi­ned com­mu­ni­qué was issued that says vir­tually not­hing apart from the alre­ady known: that the atmo­s­phere was fri­endly but there were pro­gram­ma­tic dif­fe­ren­ces mainly con­cerning the policy towards the Euro­zone.
Whe­ther Ant­ar­sya is going to form an elec­to­ral front with the PU, OR some com­po­nent orga­niza­ti­ons of Ant­ar­sya (namely ARAN, ARAS and their satel­li­tes in MARS) are going to merge with the PU, OR Ant­ar­sya or part of it will remain auto­no­mous is going to be deter­mined by the out­come of the balance of forces inside Ant­ar­sya and mainly by what the NAR majo­rity will decide. This will be moni­to­red in a series of mee­tings of the Ant­ar­sya Natio­nal Coun­cil and of the Local Com­mit­tees that will be held next wee­kend.

STEHT SYRIZA VOR DEM KOL­LAPS?

I would like to add that SYRIZA is fac­ing a tsu­nami of depar­tures. Regio­nal Party Com­mit­tees and indi­vi­dual mem­bers (and recently the Secretary of the Party) announce their resi­gna­tion from the party every day but wit­hout joi­ning ‚Popu­lar Unity‘, the party foun­ded by the Left Plat­form. If this rate of depar­tures con­ti­nues in the next weeks, then SYRIZA party struc­tures are in the verge of col­lap­sing.

It has to do with the class nature of SYRIZA as a party and the illu­si­ons for a ‚left govern­ment‘. Refor­mists believe that the state is a neu­tral appa­ra­tus and it is suf­fi­ci­ent to put some lef­tists in key posi­ti­ons and then they can use the state to imple­ment their policy. A “left govern­ment” is not­hing more than a group of left­wing poli­ti­ci­ans try­ing to admi­nis­ter the bour­geois state. This schema has never worked, or to be more pre­cise, has never worked in favour of the working class. The SYRIZA govern­ment was not an excep­tion. The schema of ‚left govern­ment‘ was doo­med to failure right from its initial con­cep­tion.
My last point con­cerns all those in the inter­na­tio­nal left who sup­por­ted SYRIZA and the idea of ‚left govern­ment‘. It’s time for them to draw a balance sheet of this expe­ri­ence and point to the under­pin­nings of their ana­ly­sis.

With the depar­ture of the Left Plat­form SYRIZA has lost its last left alibi and it now emer­ges as the main poli­ti­cal for­ma­tion capable of imple­men­ting aus­te­rity poli­tics. […] In fact, it is the end of SYRIZA as we used to know it ie. as a left refor­mist party.

1. Vgl.: https://​en​.wiki​pe​dia​.org/​w​i​k​i​/​N​e​w​_​L​e​f​t​_​C​u​rrent [zurück]